Marco Arana

Marco Arana was born in Cajamarca in 1962. His father was a secondary school teacher and his mother was a teacher in a logging camp. In 1979 he entered the Seminary of San José and at the same time began to study sociology and philosophy at the National University of Cajamarca.(168)

In 1985 Marco Arana had the opportunity to make a documentary video in the Hualgayoc district north of the city of Cajamarca. The oldest mines in the Cajamarca region are located there and the subject of video was how the mining activity had affected agriculture in the surrounding area. The mines in Hualgayoc in those days were traditional shaft mines, not open-pit and Marco Arana discovered that there were many children among the miners, working 500 or 1000 meters below the surface. These children were working without protective clothing of any kind; they had no shoes, no helmets. When he asked them why they were working in such terrible conditions instead of going to school, they replied that they had no choice: their fathers had died of “mine disease” or they had been incapacitated by mining accidents. Many years later — in a 2010 interview — Marco Arana said that it was the experience of seeing those children working in such dangerous, unhealthy conditions that had made him see what his mission in life was to be.

Later in 1985 Marco Arana went to Lima, the capital of Peru to continue his theological studies. There he lived in the poor and populous district of San Juan de Lurigancho. (More than ten percent of Lima’s total population of nearly nine million live in this district.) While he was doing his advanced seminary studies, Marco Arana met students from all over the country. Some of them came from places where the church leaders were very “progressive” and from them he learned that the country’s problems were more complex than those of mines and poverty he had grown up with in Cajamarca. He came to see, as he put it that Peru suffered from problems of injustice and inequality which had existed since it won its independence from Spain in 18?.

Marco Arana finished his religious studies in 1989. Because he had excelled in the seminary, he was given the chance to go to Rome for further education. He decided not to take advantage of this opportunity, however, but to stay in Cajamarca. He felt that this was how he could learn more about reality. In January 1990 Marco Arana was sent to the parish of Porcón for a final period of training. (A “parish” is asmall administrative district with its own church and its own prieste.) Marco Arana was ordained as a priest in April 1990 and then sent back to Porcó. (To “ordain” someone is to make them a priest.) As Marco Arana explained in his 2010 interview Porcó is one of poorest places in the whole of Cajamarca province. To make his point, he went on to mention that in Cajamarca to call someone an “Indian” is to insult them, but to call them a “Porcón Indian”is the worst insult possible.

In Porcón Marco Arana found that money people were suffering from malnutrition and a lack of education. The educational problems were made worse by the fact that many of the children spoke only Quechua and therefore could could barely read Spanish when they finished primary school and so, couldn’t go on to secondary school. (Quechua is the most important non-European language spoken in Peru. More accurately it is a family of languages spoken throughout the Andes (in Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Chile)). There are estimated to be eight to ten million people.)

While Marco was Porcón there was a cholera epidemic in the area. No good medical care was available and twenty people died. In an attempt to improve the situation in Porcón, Marco Arana and others set up courses in nutrition and child care and for disinfesting children who had picked up parasites from unclean water.

During those years, Marco Arana and his colleagues also set up a “mixed” school. They were strongly opposed by many older peasants who didn’t like the idea of boys and girls studying under the same roof and many of the students went on to become engineers, lawyers and teachers.

In his 2010 interview Marco Arana emphasized that although the school had received support from many sources, it had received none from the government. Speaking generally he said, “Education for poor people in Peru is almost non-existent and no one even talks about education in rural areas. The teachers are badly paid and parents have no motivation for sending their children to school.” (168, translated from Spanish).

It was in 1993, while Marco Arana was still working in Porcón that the activity of foreign mining activity began to cause problems for the campesinos of Cajamarca. As he explains it, Newmont had been established in the area since 1990, but it was only in 1993 that they began buying up land. (Despite holding a government concession to the whole area where it was interested in mining, Newmont still needed to buy land: the concession only gave them the right to take what was under the surface, but because they were building open-pit mines, they needed to destroy large areas of the surface, and to do that, they needed to buy the land from the campesinos who owned it.) According to Marco Arana, the problem was notso much that Newmont wanted to buy the land, but that it was willing to use violence and intimidation to get it cheaply. He said, in his 2010 interview, that armed men from the mine, using the pretext that there were terrorists in the area, occupied the lands of eight families in Vizcachas area on the side of Cerro Quillish. (Cerro Quillish is a hill within sight of Cajamarca city. It the source of the city’s water supply and has long been regarded as a sacred place by the people of the area.)

No terrorists were found but, nevertheless, after the land had been forcibly occupied, the government expropriated 602 hectares from the community of Negritos and it and sold it to Newmont for around $8000. Later in the same year. Newmont mortgaged the same parcel of land to the World Bank in Washington for $85 million. Marco Arana implies that the campesinos knew they were being cheated, but did nothing about it. “It was the time of Fujimori,” he says, “and everyone was afraid.” He ends his story of the land grab by saying, “And that as the beginning of all the abuse.”

Marco Arana goes on to explain, in his interview, that the mining company tried to co-opt him and his colleagues by offering to build house for them so they could move out of the houses they had been sharing with peasant families. When this offer was refused the company started a campaign aimed at discrediting Marco Arana and others, accusing them of being communists and subversives and of having broken a law against subverting the “public peace” and provoking the campesinos.

Marco Arana and his colleagues managed to get support from the national media and also from higher levels of the Catholic church. Eventually a company representative came from the US and gave many to the campesinos in compensation for the way they had been treated. He said the company never forgave him and his colleagues for having defeated them.

After that whenever any of the peasants had a problem connected to the mining, they would go the parish headquarters to ask Marco Arana or other church workers for help. All the authorities, he says, were on the side of the company and weren’t interested in listening to what the peasants had to say. Even the left-wing mayor of Cajamarca was a supporter of Fujimori.

In August of 1994, Marco Arana was sent to Rome to study at the Pontifical Gregorian University. Two years later he graduated with honors and returned to Cajamarca. There he found a worse situation than the one he had left: the price of land had risen sharply and serious pollution problems had become noticeable. When the peasants heard that he had returned they went to see him, and told him that while he had been away, they had told the bishop and the parish authorities of their problems, but no one had listened to them. His old teacher, Monsenor Dammert, had retired and the new bishop told him he didn’t want any problems. So Marco Arana found himself unemployed for a year and a half.

Marco Arana tried to find work as a university teacher in Cajamarca, but there were no positions available. He applied for a scholarship and won a scholarship to study at the Catholic University of Lima. He spent two years there, doing a Master’s degree in sociology and graduated with honors in 1998. He wrote his thesis on “social-environmental conflicts” — the first thesis ever on that topic in Peru. He remained in the university for another year teaching courses in ethics and theology. And, in 1999, he returned to Cajamarca.

While Marco Arana had been away, a Parrochial University had been created in Cajamarca. Young teachers from the university began working with him in the countryside and eventually, together, they formed the first ecological organization in Peru, Ecovida. It was made up of biologists, sociologists, and educators. One of the first campaigns directed by Ecovida was the cleaning up of the badly contaminated San Lucas river. Another Ecovida campaign was aimed at discouraging campesinos from using plastic. On San Francisco Day, October 4 ever year, Ecovida collected all the plastic containers that were lying around in the streets of Cajamarca and piled it up in the main square. In this way they showed the people just how much plastic garbage they were throwing into the environment — and pricked their consciences.

At the same time Ecovida also directed a campaign against the campesino’s use of plastic bottles, burned together with sawdust, as a cooking fuel. Ecovida explained to them that by doing this they were contaminating their homes with carcinogenic poisons. As part of the same campaign, Ecovida helped campesinos to install better kitchens in their homes and also showed them how to plant organic vegetable gardens.

In 2002, the members of Ecovida, founded a larger, more permanent “non-governmental organization” (NGO), GRUFIDES. (This is the Spanish acronym for the full name, which translates into English as, “The Institute for Training and Action for Sustainable Development.”) We began by looking at the connection between sustainable development and human and ecological rights. At first, we had only one hundred dollars that had been given to us by a Swiss volunteer. Then an organization of Swiss workers gave us a thousand dollars; a priest gave us a computer; the parish allowed us to use some rooms in its headquarters; some representatives of the German government who were moving away gave us a used truck.

[According to an article by George Black in the American magazine, On Earth, was unhappy about his role in the formation of GRUFIDES and “punished him by sending him out of Cajamarca”

“Eventually, after the mercury spill in 2000, Arana and others formed an organization called Grufides, specializing in environmental protection, conflict resolution, and technical training for farmers. Enough, said the bishop of Cajamarca. Father Arana was transferred to a teaching post in Lima, then told to go to the Vatican and remain there for seven years. Being a man who does not take kindly to what he considers an injustice, he came back after two.”

When we had established ourselves we begin to work with a religious organization, Canadian Lutheran World Relief which supported us for a year and a half. Then, under pressure from Yanacocha, the Canadian government and the Canadian Embassy intervened and our funding was cut. At that time OXFAM America got interested in us and we have been working with their support since 2002.

In his 2010 interview, Marco Arana mentions only briefly the mercury spill in 2000 in Choropampa. As he points out GRUFIDES did not exist at the time. But, he says, working with ECOVIDA, “We did what we could to support the villagers had no idea of how to deal with a spill of that size.”

In 2004, there was another dispute caused by mining activity at Cerro Quillish. Marco Arana and his colleagues helped to bring about a peaceful solution.

During this time, the members of GRUFIDES were subjected to a great deal of criticism in the media: they were said to have been corrupted by the media, accused of being enemies of “development,” of dealing in cocaine, of having paid the peasants to protest against the mine — and of being communists.

Marco Arana says that in 2005, the tension in Cajamarca was somewhat reduced. During that year he also received the National Prize in Sociology for his studies of the impact of mining on the communities of the Cajamarca region, and the practical work he had to improve the situation.

In 2006, there were protests in Combayo to the east of Cajamarca. As Marco Arana explains it, they were caused by the fact that the expanding mine wanted to use the water in two alpine lakes in the region and the peasants did not want them to have it. On August 2, one of the protesters, Isidro Llanos was killed. According to Marco Arana he was shot by Peruvian police who were working on contract for the mine. He explains this in the time of Fujimori a law was passed making it legal for police to work for private companies. The company, he says, bribed Isidro Llanos’ relatives so he wouldn’t denounce them. They give them ten acres of land and twenty cows. The older brother of Isidro Llanos even sent the company a card, thanking them for the help he had received. Marco Arana concludes this story by saying, “Such is justice in Peru.”

In the same year as the protests in Combayo, Marco Arana and his colleagues were subjected to intensive surveillance by the security company FORZA. (This company is connected to a man named Giampietri, who later became vice-president, under President Alan García.) During this surveillance campaign, Marco Arana’s phone was tapped, his e-mails were intercepted and he and his colleagues were filmed in the countryside around Cajamarca, in Lima and in the coastal city of Trujillo. GRUFIDES managed to capture one of the people who was spying on them and we handed him over to the police. The newspaper El Diario la República, did a lengthy investigation which showed that FORZA was working for Yanacocha — that they were behind the whole thing. We denounce FORZA to the government, but in 2007 we were told that there was no proof that any crime had been committed and that the case had been closed.

In 2006 Marco Arana went to Denver where the headquarters of Newmont Mining Corporation are located. He went with Mirtha V$aacute;squez, a director of GRUFIDES and a lawyer. Their purpose was to explain to the executives of the company the problems they were causing for the campesinos of Cajamarca. The company listened to what they were saying, but denied everything. They did however, promise to review their policies, and finally GRUFIDES received documents listng the changes that had been made. In the end, however, according to Marco Arana, “Very little changed and nothing improved.”

During this time, GRUFIDES, was also working to help campesinos in other parts of Peru whose lives had been adversely affected by the operations of foreign mining companies. In his interview, however, he singles ut one as being the “most terrible.” This is the Brazilian company, La Valle do Rio Doce de Brasil. They had been operating a phosphate mine near Piura for some time. But in 2007 they set up another mine in San Marcos province in the southeastern corner of the Cajamarca region. According to Marco Arana, in order to defend itself against GRUFIDES and similar organizations, the company hired “ex-terrorists and criminals” and sent them out on patrols of the countryside. in an effort to turn campesinos against campesinos and and break the unity of the anti-mining resistance. As a result, the company denounced twelve campesinos and two teachers to the government.

In his 2010 interview, after having briefly described what happened in San Marcos, Marco Arana makes a general comment: “The mines acquire power and then they abuse it. The terrible problem in Peru is that the State has been privatized and does not defend the rights of the communitiesl. It defends the mining companies and so there is a great deal of corruption. Our struggle is against the evil practices of the companies, against the security firms that are spying for the miners and against corrupt governments.”

In 2008, Marco Arana met with various peasant groups,irrigation farmers, and human rights and environmental activists. The result of these meetings was the foundation, in April 2009, of a new political party, Tierra y Libertad, (Land and Freedom). Its immediate, practice purposes were fight for the conservation of water and to strengthen the struggle against corruption. Its long-term goal was to create a society which belonged to all Peruvians and served their interests — instead of a society like the present one in which the immense wealth of Peruvians was being stolen from them, and in which a tiny minority was extremely rich and the great majority was leaving in poverty and “social marginalization.”

After talking enthusiastically about the large number of intellectuals and “high-level” professionals who have joined the party, Marco Arana goes on to say that his own situation as one of its leaders is complicated because he is not a professional politician but rather a Christian and a “responsible citizen” who wants “decent politics” in Peru. Unfortunately, he says the Peruvian church has become “very conservative” in the preceding fifteen years. In Peru, there are more bishops that belong to Opus Dei than in any other Latin American country. And, he adds that the Peruvian church is closely connected to various groups of powerful people. Finally, he softens his criticism of the Church by saying that despite the trend toward conservatism, Tierra y Libertad gets support from bishops who are still working beside the people and a great deal of support from priests and nuns especially those who are working in the poorest areas.

In the final section of his 2010 interview, Marco Arana speaks of his party’s vision of a better Peru — a vison which is no doubt similar to his personal outlook, formed by twenty years of struggle. He begins by speaking of Peru’s potential in the areas of agriculture, fisheries, and eco-tourism. He adds that mining should also be a part of Peru’s economic future but that it should be restricted to certain areas and that even there there it should be strictly controlled in order to prevent environmental and social damage. Also, corrupt practices should be stopped and the mines should be charged more taxes. There are also, he says, types of mining which should be prohibited. He points out that this has been done elsewhere: in Australia uranium mining has been prohibited, and the use of cyanide in mining is illegal in Costa Rica and Argentina, and in the American state of Montana.

Marco Arana explains that Tierra y Libertad is in favor of the use of the use of clean technologies and for that reason they believe that investment in mining should not be the country’s first priority. He backs this up by pointing out that ever year the Peruvian economy has to provide 500,000 new jobs for young people entering the workforce. Mining alone can obviously not do this cause it is providing work for only about 1% of the workforce. Investment, he says, should be going into small and medium-sized businesses cause that is the area of the economy where most jobs are generated.

Tierra y Libertad is also concerned about the existence of small informal mines, which according to Marco Arana are extremely polluting. No mining whatsoever should be allowed in national parks or nature reserves. Depending on where they are and what technology they use, the informal mines should, he says, either be regulated or prohibited. Instead of permitting such dangerous and socially unprofitable activities to continue, priority should be given to the areas of education, health, housing, and agriculture and to encouraging investment in ecologically sustainable activities.

Another source of concern according to Tierra y Libertad is the retreat of Peru’s glaciers due to global warming. Marco Arana says that by 2015 all Peruvian glaciers below 15,000 meters will have disappeared. These glaciers are a major source of water for the dry coastal regions and, by 2025, Marco Arana believes, so much of the ice will have been lost that Peru will be facing a major water shortage. And therefore, he believes, it is necessary to act now to protect the sources of the water supply. To do so, it will be necessary to place a statement of a “human right to water” in the Constitution. And in order to do that it will be necessary to face and overcome the strong opposition of the mining companies.

Tierra y Libertad is also in favor of a law requiring that agricultural land be used for the production of food rather than for ethanol or other bio-fuels. Marco Arana also mentions the need for responsible forestry policies. And he expresses disagreement with the policy of using the catch of Peruvian fishermen to make fish meal, which is exported to be used as pig feed in the US or Europe. It should be used instead to provide better nutrition for Peruvians.

In outlining the policies of Tierra y Libertad, Marco Arana also mentions a specifically political issue: the corruption that prevailed during the ten years of Alberto Fujimori’s government and also during the first and second governments of Alan García. (Alan García was the President of Peru in 2010 when Marco Arana was interviewed.) He says that during these regimes the corruption reached “the highest spheres of government and that therefore it is necessary that severe measures of control be put in place — ones that would prevent the people at the top from being corrupted by their power.

One way of fighting against corruption, Marco Arana suggests, is to ensure that communities are always consulted before a mining project is started. And in addition to that, he says, indigenous people must have their own representatives in the Peruvian Congress.

Marco Arana emphasizes that he is not opposed to private investment In fact, encouraging private investment should be a government priority — as long as the investment is being done by small and medium-sized businesses. However, large-scale investment — like that carried out by foreign mining companies — should be subject to “very clear rules of control.”

Marco Arana says he knows that people who have got used to the country being run by a small élite willfind it difficult to accept any democratic proposals and they will find it difficult to think in terms of “the Peru of those who will come after us.” speaking of the mining companies, he says, “If they could make all of Peru into an open pit mine, they would do so. And they would happily leave behind contamination, poverty and corruption.”As an example of how this can happen he mentions Huancavelica a city in southern Peru. Huanacavelica was extremely wealthy from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century because of the nearby Santa Bárbara mercury mine, but after the mine collapsed its wealth began to diminish and now the department of Huancavelica is the poorest in Peru. (175) In the same context, Marco Arana also mentions that in the Cajamarca region — the location of the largest gold mine in South America — 72% of the population lives below the poverty line. (In 2010 the “line” for rural poverty in Peru was considered to be around $US 100 per month.(179))

In the context of his discussion of the contrast between Peru’s mineral wealth and the poverty of its people, Marco Arana acknowledges the strength of the opposition to his ideas — and the ideas of Tierra y Libertad. “The people who want to defend the interests of the corporations will certainly attack us,” he says. “We know that we are going to come up against strong resistance, and that we will be attacked.”

At the end of the interview, Marco Arana sums up his situation:

The struggle is not easy. There have been many campaigns of character assassination against me in the media. I have been accused of kneeling down and praying in front of Marx; I have been accused of being a terrorist, of being a thief, of apostasy, of heresy, of violence, of homosexuality, of having unacknowledged children, and of working for the Shining Path. I know that I will face difficult situations in the future, but I am spiritually strong because I am a man of faith and because the Bible teaches us that anyone who seeks peace will come up against violence and anyone who seeks justice will comes up against injustice. It also teaches us that anyone who is persecuted, slandered, or brought before a court because they are fighting for a just cause is a fortunate person.

On February 10, 2010, Marco Arana held a news conference. He announced that eight days earlier, on February 2, the Archbishop of Lima had announced that he had been suspended from his “ecclesiastic functions” (180) Marco Arana had been resisting, for several years, the church’s attempts to persuade him to abandon his political activities. And he objected tto the way he had been informed of the decision — by the Archbishop and not, as should have been done, by the bishop of Cajamarca. Nevertheless, in his news conference, he seemed to accept the church’s decision as inevitable — and in line with its long-standing policy of not allowing priests to participate in partisan politics.

At the time of his being suspended as a priest, Marco Arana was planning to present himself as a presidential candidate at the head of a coalition of left-wing parties. He was planning on running in the 2011 presidential elections, but in the end he changed his mind and withdrew and devoted himself to a campaign to gather enough signatures to get Tierra y Libertad registered as an official political party. The campaign was successful. In April, 2012, the Peruvian Elections Bureau announced that it had accepted as valid 168,668 of the signatures presented to it — four more than the minium number rqrd. Tierra y Libertad thus became the twenty-ninth official political party in Peru.

Marco Arana’s political activities during this period were not limited to his work with Tierra y Libertad, however. In November 2011 he joined with two other political leaders of the Cajamarca region — Wilfredo Saavedra, the head of the Front for the Environmental Defense of Cajamarca and Gregorio Santos the President of the Region of Cajamarca — to form the “United Command of the Struggle” The main target of this alliance was to prevent Newmont Mining Corporation from going ahead with its plans for a massive expansion of its Yanacocha mine. They want to do this by persuading the Peruvian government to declare the project definitely and permanently illegal.

By the end of 2011, there had been a sharp decline in the productivity of the original Yanacocha mine. Despite the fact that its two previous attempts at expansion had failed, Newmont was determined to continue operating profitably inside its Cajamarca concession. Armed with the government’s approval of a new environmental impact study (¿), the company began work on the Congas site, where it planned to build a huge gold and copper mine. This was to be the largest minning project in Peruvian history. As soon as work began, the campesinos began protesting against it. The protests continued for a week. On the sixth day, the police shot eight campesinos with pellets and the campesinos injured three policemen. (115) The protesters had the active support of the Environmental Defense Front of Cajamarca — and of Marco Arana. President Gregorio Santos called a general strike; the airport was shut down; private businesses were closed; and, according to one report 6000 Yanacocha workers stopped working. (44, 115) In response, the government declared a state of emergency and suspended the freedom of assembly; work at the the Conga site was stopped. The national government announced they were opening a lawsuit against Gregorio Santos who, they claimed, had overstepped his authority. Wilfredo Saavedra — who, in the past, spent ten years in prison because of his membership in a revolutionary group — was arrested and held briefly but then released. For the moment, however, Marco Arana was left alone.

During the next few months, protests continued but on a reduced scale. The strikers went back to work and no further work was done on the Conga site. In April (¿), the government announced that Newmont had agreed to build reservoirs to compensate the campesinos for the lagoons that were going to be destroyed by the Congas mine. They also announced that they had received a new, independent environmental impact assessment which showed that the Congas mine was going to be environmentally safe. In response to this news, larger protests began and another general strike was called. On July 3, at a large protest in Celendín, (¿) kilometers to the west of Cajamarca, three protests were shot and killed by the police; another received injuries of which he died two days later. On the next day, at Bambamarca, (¿) kilometers to the north, another protester was shot and killed.

The following day, July 5, there were protests in Cajamarca. Marco Arana was present although not actively participating. At around noon, he was sitting on bench in the main square, talking to some journalists. He had a small cardboard sign hanging around his neck that read, “Water, Yes. Gold, No.” An amateur video, broadcast on the US news program, “Democracy Now!” shows how he was suddenly approached by a dozen or so riot police. They walked toward him quickly and when they reached him, one of them pushed him roughly off the bench and he fell onto the ground. (13, 30:45) Then, handling him very roughly they pushed and dragged away. A photograph published in the paper Comercio shows him grimacing in pain while a pceman with a very large hand squeezes his face. threw him into a police vehicle, and took him to a police station. In the police station, he was punched in the face and kidneys. A medical examination done in hospital after his release showed that his jawbone had been broken and that he had an indentation in his skull from being hit by a police baton.

Despite the unofficial punishment he received for his support of the Cajamarca protests in July, 2012, he has continued to be directly involved in struggle with Newmont over the construction of the Conga mine. He was present on May 28, 2013 when campesinos from Celendín and Bambamarca marched along a public highway toward one of endangered lagoons, El Perol. They were going there in response to Newmont’s announcement that they were going to begin pumping water out of the lagoon in order to use it in their mining operations. It was their intention to set up a camp beside the lagoon and, in that way, to discourage Newmont from beginning its pumping operation. As he walked with the campesinos, Marco Arana posted to his Twitter account and also contacted the television station, Canal N. He reported that at at 3:20 p.m. the police intercepted the marchers and fired on them with pellet guns. One of them, José Guillermo Cueva Huamá received injuries to his arm and abdomen. In the article in El Comercio in which these events are reported , there is a picture of José showing his wounds. Summing up the episode, Marco Arana said that although the ronderos in the march represented only one of 1500 rondas. “They shot at us without any warning” And he went on, “Everything indicates that society here is in a state of great upheaval. Instead of reaching an agreement on this controversial subject, they want to impose the Congan project on us.” He also charged that in intercepting the demonstrators, the police were acting without proper authority. He said, “In this area, the law is being imposed by Yanacocha, because the police are being paid by Yanacocha.” He also said that that purpose of the demonstration was to stop Yanacocha from destroying the water supply — and added that that was clearly what they were going to do if they were not stopped because they had already “destroyed more than twenty lagoons in the last twenty years.” and that the company was already pumping water into the Río Grande which supplies the city of Cajamarca with 70% of its water. (178)

On the same day as El Comercio published an article giving Marco Arana’s version of the confrontation between the police and the ronderos on the road to Laguna Perol, the newspaper published another article giving the police’s version. They accused Marco Arana of having lied in order to confuse the public. They said that despite what he said, they attacked no one.

According to the police around 180 campesinos, many on horseback, first gathered peacefully around Perol Lagoon, outside the “security zone,” later, they moved inside the security, ane and started using slingshots to attack the police with rocks. They pointed out that slingshots are dangerous and pose a real threat to life, and insisted that all they were doing was using legal weapons to enforce the “rule of law.” And they said they only shot one person with rubber pellets.

birth date and parents;

Cero Quilish
Conga: the lead-up

the biggest mining project in Peruvian history

Conga: Celendin and Bambamarca
Conga: Cajamarca city
Conga: after the killings
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